Forced Underground, Russia’s Feminists Find New Ways to Keep Working

Key Points

• Russian feminist activists are adapting to growing restrictions: Since Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, pressure on dissent and the promotion of conservative social values have made public feminist activism increasingly difficult.
• Activism is shifting towards practical assistance: Women’s rights campaigners are providing money, medication, transport and other forms of direct support, including help for women seeking abortions.
• Regional abortion restrictions are expanding: According to research cited by The Moscow Times, at least 32 Russian regions had introduced laws against abortion coercion since 2023, while restrictions on private clinics had also spread.
• Campaigners fear further limits on reproductive freedom: Activists have warned that the election of conservative campaigner Natalia Moskvitina to Russia’s State Duma could strengthen efforts to restrict access to abortion and reproductive health information.
• Feminists are seeking new allies: Campaigners are reaching out to men and women who have not previously identified with feminism, aiming to build wider networks of support.
• Grassroots networks remain active: Despite funding shortages, pressure from authorities and reduced opportunities for public campaigning, activists continue to support vulnerable women, queer people, refugees, migrants and survivors of domestic violence.
• The future of the movement remains uncertain: Activists believe their work could influence broader social attitudes, but political restrictions and possible further reproductive legislation pose significant challenges.

Mosco News Daily (MND) October 13, 2026 – Russian feminist activists are increasingly moving their work away from public demonstrations and towards practical support for women facing domestic violence, reproductive restrictions and economic hardship. The shift comes amid the Kremlin’s promotion of conservative traditional values and tighter restrictions on public dissent since the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. Campaigners say they are maintaining grassroots networks, assisting vulnerable women and building alliances beyond established feminist circles. However, concerns over abortion access and the potential expansion of restrictive legislation continue to shape their work.

Why Have Russian Feminist Activists Been Forced to Change Their Approach?

According to Leyla Latypova of The Moscow Times, Russian feminist campaigners have adapted their activities as public advocacy has become increasingly difficult. In Chelyabinsk, in the Ural Mountains, a feminist community that previously engaged in more visible activism has retreated towards smaller gatherings, including a feminist reading club.

The change reflects a wider challenge facing civil society organisations in Russia. Following President Vladimir Putin’s decision to launch a full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, the authorities intensified their crackdown on dissent while promoting conservative social values. Feminist organisations operating in this environment have faced pressure, funding difficulties and fewer opportunities to conduct public campaigns.

Oksana, a feminist campaigner from the Chelyabinsk region who spoke to The Moscow Times under a pseudonym for safety reasons, expected conditions for Russian women to deteriorate after the invasion began.

Nevertheless, she said that the experiences of women around her had also revealed a growing sense of solidarity and independence.

“There are fewer men in Russia: some were killed, some are physically or psychologically disabled,” Oksana told The Moscow Times, describing the effects of the war on relationships and family life. She added that some women were increasingly questioning the expectation that they should remain in relationships simply to avoid living alone.

Her observations represent the perspective of an individual activist rather than a nationwide measure of changing attitudes. However, they illustrate how the consequences of war, combined with pressure on women’s rights, have influenced the priorities of some feminist campaigners.

Oksana argued that Russian women were not prepared to abandon their independence or principles. She also expressed hope that changes in personal attitudes could eventually influence political life.

How Are Feminist Organisations Continuing Their Work Inside Russia?

The Moscow Times reported that some women’s rights organisations have closed because of financial difficulties or pressure from the authorities, while others continue to operate within Russia, often with less public visibility.

For these remaining groups, the emphasis has increasingly shifted from online advocacy and public information campaigns towards direct assistance.

Marta, another activist who requested anonymity for safety reasons, told The Moscow Times that the feminist community had assumed responsibilities extending beyond campaigning against conservative politics. In her assessment, activists were also undertaking some of the practical social support that vulnerable people needed.

Marta said her group was conducting less online activism and more offline work, citing wartime censorship restrictions and increasing demand for practical help.

The assistance described in the report includes financial support, medication and transport. In some cases, activists arrange journeys to other Russian regions so that women can obtain abortion services that may not be available locally.

Their work also extends to survivors of domestic violence and reproductive violence, refugees, migrants and women experiencing homelessness.

This approach places immediate needs at the centre of their activities. Rather than relying exclusively on public messaging to influence attitudes, campaigners are attempting to help individuals navigate difficult personal and economic circumstances.

The shift also creates practical challenges. Providing transport, medication and financial assistance requires resources and coordination, while operating away from public view can make it more difficult for organisations to attract funding, recruit volunteers and communicate their work.

The available reporting does not establish how many women receive assistance or how many groups remain active nationwide. It does, however, document a change in priorities among the activists interviewed: maintaining practical support has become a central part of their efforts to continue operating.

Why Are Restrictions on Abortion Access a Major Concern?

According to the research cited by The Moscow Times, Russia’s national abortion framework remains comparatively permissive, but access has increasingly been affected by regional measures and administrative restrictions.

A recent study by the Feminist Anti-War Resistance group, referenced in the newspaper’s report, describes how government decrees, ministry orders and regional legislation have contributed to changes in the availability of abortion services.

The report states that at least 32 Russian regions had introduced laws against what they define as coercion into abortion since 2023. Such measures can impose liability for attempts to persuade or pressure a woman to terminate a pregnancy, including circumstances involving verbal persuasion or material dependence.

The Moscow Times also cited statistics published by the Russian Orthodox Church indicating that abortions in private clinics had been banned in at least 19 regions. In another 25 regions, the procedure was reportedly available in only 40 per cent of private medical facilities.

These figures describe different forms of regional restriction and should not be interpreted as meaning that abortion is entirely unavailable throughout those territories. Access can depend on the applicable rules, the type of medical facility and the services provided locally.

Nevertheless, activists argue that restrictions on private provision can reduce the practical options available to women, even where abortion remains legally possible at the national level.

Arina, an activist from a Siberian region who also spoke anonymously, told The Moscow Times that concerns about an unplanned pregnancy had influenced her personal decisions.

She said she had chosen not to pursue relationships with men because she feared having limited control over the consequences of an unexpected pregnancy. She also questioned the prospect of raising a child amid Russia’s economic difficulties and political conditions.

Her comments highlight how uncertainty over reproductive rights can influence decisions beyond the immediate question of medical access. For some individuals, the possibility of facing restrictions can affect their approach to relationships, family planning and their future.

Campaigners maintain that reproductive healthcare should remain accessible and that women should be able to make decisions about pregnancy without coercion.

Could Natalia Moskvitina’s Election Lead to Further Restrictions?

Concerns over reproductive rights have also acquired a parliamentary dimension following the election of Natalia Moskvitina to the State Duma in September 2026.

As reported by Leyla Latypova of The Moscow Times, Moskvitina, the longtime head of the pro-life movement Women for Life, was elected to represent the northern Vologda region.

Her arrival in parliament has alarmed activists who oppose further restrictions on abortion. They fear that her political position could strengthen efforts to introduce federal legislation against coercion into abortion.

The Moscow Times reported that Moskvitina’s election took place amid allegations of widespread electoral falsification and a campaign by the Alliance of Women’s Initiatives of Russia calling on the ruling United Russia party to withdraw her candidacy. These allegations and campaign activities form part of the political context reported by the newspaper; they should not be treated as a judicial finding establishing the validity of every claim.

Arina described Moskvitina’s parliamentary position as a threat to women’s safety and freedom. She argued that women could face additional pressure if lawmakers advanced policies that weakened their control over reproductive decisions.

Marta, who participated in the campaign against Moskvitina’s candidacy, warned that further legislative restrictions could damage both reproductive rights and the ability of feminist activists to operate.

One particular concern is whether a federal law against abortion coercion could be applied in ways that restrict information about reproductive choices. Activists fear that publishing or distributing information about abortion could face additional legal obstacles, depending on how any legislation was drafted and enforced.

However, the report does not establish that such a nationwide law has been enacted. The concerns described by campaigners relate to possible future legislative developments.

The distinction is important: the existing regional measures documented in the report are separate from the potential federal legislation activists fear could follow.

How Are Russian Feminists Building New Alliances?

With public campaigning becoming more difficult, activists are also attempting to expand their networks beyond people who already identify with feminist politics.

Dasha Yakovleva, a feminist activist and rights defender quoted by The Moscow Times, said campaigners had previously concentrated much of their work on women and queer people. They had now made a deliberate decision to share feminist ideas with men as well.

Yakovleva said there were potential allies among men who needed opportunities to understand feminist perspectives and the issues affecting women.

The strategy reflects a practical calculation. A movement that works only within established circles may struggle to reach people who have limited knowledge of gender equality or who regard feminism with suspicion. Engaging a broader audience can create opportunities to discuss domestic violence, reproductive rights and unequal expectations within families.

Another activist, whose name was withheld, told the newspaper that campaigners were reaching out to women who had not previously encountered feminism or who described themselves as not being feminists despite agreeing with particular feminist principles.

The aim, according to the activist, was to encourage these women to consider feminist perspectives gradually rather than expecting them to adopt a political identity immediately.

Such efforts may allow campaigners to connect with people through shared concerns, including personal safety, financial independence and access to healthcare.

However, the expansion of these networks does not necessarily indicate that feminist ideas are becoming dominant in Russian society. The report provides accounts from individual activists rather than representative national polling.

What it does show is that campaigners are seeking different ways to communicate and organise under restrictive conditions.

What Role Does Feminism Play in Russia’s Wider Social Crisis?

For Yakovleva, feminism is not limited to questions of relationships or reproductive healthcare. She described it as a framework for examining structural problems involving politics, economics and social hierarchies.

She argued that feminist thinking could bring together a decolonial perspective, criticism of capitalism and scrutiny of existing social and political roles.

This approach links the immediate needs of individual women to wider debates about how Russian society is organised and governed.

The activists interviewed by The Moscow Times are operating in a political environment in which the authorities promote traditional family structures and conservative Christian values. Their work therefore involves both direct assistance and disagreement with the social priorities advanced by the state.

Yakovleva also argued that Russia’s promotion of traditionalism had implications beyond its borders. Her assessment places the debate within a wider international discussion about the relationship between conservative social policies, gender equality and political power.

At the same time, Russian feminist activists face difficulties that extend beyond ideological disagreement. Funding shortages, censorship, the closure of organisations and the risk associated with public campaigning can all limit their capacity to work.

The political opposition itself remains divided, according to the reporting cited by The Moscow Times. Against that backdrop, campaigners are continuing to concentrate on direct relationships with local communities rather than relying solely on a unified national opposition movement.

Their approach combines practical assistance with efforts to build broader public understanding of women’s rights.

What Challenges Could Determine the Future of Russia’s Feminist Movement?

The movement’s future will depend partly on whether activists can maintain their support networks while navigating legal, financial and political constraints.

Practical assistance may help organisations preserve trust within communities, particularly when people need immediate help rather than general information. However, delivering services can consume resources that might otherwise support research, public campaigning or organisational development.

Restrictions on reproductive healthcare could create additional demand for transport, medical assistance and information. At the same time, further limitations on civil society activities could make it more difficult for activists to respond.

The question of anonymity also remains significant. Several women quoted in the report used pseudonyms or withheld their names because of safety concerns. That precaution illustrates the importance activists place on protecting their identities while continuing their work.

Building alliances with people outside established feminist circles may help campaigners broaden their reach. Yet developing trust across different social groups takes time, and the available evidence does not establish how far these efforts have changed public opinion.

The election of Moskvitina adds another area of uncertainty. If federal restrictions are proposed, their wording, enforcement and relationship with existing regional measures will be important in determining their practical consequences.

For now, the evidence presented by The Moscow Times points to a movement adapting its methods rather than abandoning its work. Activists are placing greater emphasis on direct support, local relationships and less visible forms of organisation.

Background: How Did the Current Situation Develop?

Russia’s feminist movement includes organisations and individuals working on issues such as domestic violence, reproductive healthcare, gender equality and the rights of queer people. Their activities have taken place within a political environment that has become increasingly restrictive for independent advocacy.

The full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 marked an important turning point in the conditions described by the activists interviewed for this report. The subsequent crackdown on dissent and the promotion of conservative social values contributed to the difficulties facing women’s rights campaigners.

Some organisations have closed amid funding problems or pressure from authorities, while others have continued to operate with less public visibility. In the reproductive healthcare sector, regional measures introduced since 2023 have added to concerns about access to abortion services.

The debate has also reached national politics. Moskvitina’s election to the State Duma in September 2026 has raised concerns among activists about the possibility of further restrictions, although the federal legislation they fear has not been established by the reporting as enacted.

The accounts published by The Moscow Times, by journalist Leyla Latypova, provide a picture of these developments through the experiences of individual campaigners. Their testimony documents the practical difficulties of maintaining women’s rights work while public activism faces significant constraints.

Prediction: How Could These Developments Affect Russian Women and Civil Society?

For Russian women, the immediate consequences will depend on the availability of reproductive healthcare, the accessibility of support services and any further legal restrictions adopted by regional or federal authorities.

If abortion access becomes more limited in additional locations, some women may need to travel further to obtain services, increasing the importance of transport, financial assistance and reliable medical information. Women experiencing domestic violence or homelessness could also remain dependent on community organisations where other forms of support are difficult to access.

For feminist activists, the combination of practical assistance and wider community engagement may offer a way to maintain their work. However, the approach cannot remove the risks associated with legal restrictions, inadequate funding or pressure on independent organisations.

Efforts to engage men and women who do not identify as feminists could help broaden discussions about equality and personal autonomy. Whether those conversations lead to wider social or political changes remains uncertain.

The possible introduction of additional federal restrictions on abortion is another important factor. Any proposed law would need to be assessed on its actual wording and implementation rather than on predictions alone. Its effects would depend on whether it changed access to healthcare, limited the distribution of information or introduced new liabilities for individuals and organisations.

For Russian civil society more broadly, the continuation of these networks could preserve channels of practical assistance and community engagement even when public demonstrations are difficult. Their ability to expand or influence national policy, however, will depend on political conditions that remain uncertain.